The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was seen as among the most influential incumbents of that position in American history. Although numerous second-in-commands were limited to peripheral or ceremonial positions, Cheney held enormous influence during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and claimed the dynamic was more complex. He observed that Cheney was respectful, invariably calling him in public settings as President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their partnership as a collaboration because it suggested that they were peers. In spite of these denials, Cheney considered the laidback president accommodating on a wide array of policy decisions.
A Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a group of neo-cons that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney said the strikes altered his perspective, leading him to become intent on revenge. Together with other neo-cons, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Debated Decisions
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the harsh treatment of individuals captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on faulty information circulated by Cheney, was the correct decision. "It represented the correct action to do then. I believed it back then and I maintain that stance presently."
But even then, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, carelessness, and recklessness: in the worst case, deception, incompetence, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had drafted a document outlining scenarios in which US concerns might be endangered (featuring "obtaining crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be positioned to operate alone when collective action cannot be orchestrated," specifically mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the Oval Office vaguely intent on carrying out what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of lowering America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and proposed military action against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a conspiracy to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his father's countenance that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement behind striking Iraq, frequently quoting intelligence reports that were either insubstantial or completely deceptive. He supported what the Bush government politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the use of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that found that no useful information had come from the torture, Cheney dismissed the conclusions as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place programmes to capture the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney enjoyed monikers imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a dark force manipulating Bush. In the journalist's 2013 volume about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the background that nobody ever sees come out of his hole? It's a effective way to work, actually."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his corporate affiliations followed him throughout his time as second-in-command. While he had limited background in commerce but strong connections in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US deals totaling multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his period at the company increased from his previous salary during his time as Pentagon chief to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package totaling more than $20m|twenty
